1974 Interview with Rudy Maxa of the Washington
Post
Interview Transcript Following Part 5
INTERVIEWER:
“If I could play the Devilʼs Advocate, I think, you,
[with] talking about the
ʻinternational banking
conspiracyʼ, they have not lost out,
they simply
donʼt want any attention. They donʼt want to...”
QUIGLEY:
“Oh, I That's an argument there, that if people are
doing something in which they are very successful,
they would hope that people would not know how. Like
Coca Cola. We're not supposed to know the secret formula
that makes that such an attractive drink. So in a
sense with the international bankers. I think there
is not the slightest doubt -- in fact, I've said this in
my book -- that they tried to make banking into a
mystery. They tried to make the Gold Standard into
something that is very complicated. Yet it really is
quite simple when you diagram it.
So we are
dealing with two different things here. I don't think
this is a conspiracy.This is just secrecy. Because
something is a secret doesn't mean that it's also a
conspiracy.
There's a lot of things -- we have trade
secrets, and I can see where labor unions might
violently object to the salaries of their leaders being
made known. I never knew what John L. Lewis's salary
was at the United Mine Workers (UMW) and, if I did,
I'd probably be damned angry. That was a secret, but I
don't think keeping that secret was what we'd mean by
conspiracy.
Now, on the other hand, there have
certainly in history been conspiracies.They're
damned difficult to establish, though. We spent a long,
long time trying to figure out whether there was a
conspiracy in regards to the assassination of
President Lincoln. And there's still debate about it.
And I suppose one hundred years from now there'll
still be some people debating about Jack Kennedy. And,
of course, Martin Luther King, Jr. That's out in the
open again.
So there must be such things as
conspiracies. And I can see where a conspiracy could
be involved in an assassination or something like that,
which is a particular episode. But I cannot accept,
or give real consideration to this conspiracy theory
of history, which sees conspiracies that go on for
decades or even centuries, that are more or less
world-wide, that cause everything.
That's because any
organization -- take a fraternity or anything. When the
personnel change, the thing changes. If I were to go
back to Princeton Graduate School -- I had a student
apply for admission a few weeks ago, and he told me
what it was like. It was totally different from when I
was there.
Well, that's not the result of conspiracy.
That's the result of the people who were there having
retired, or gone elsewhere, and the new people having
different values, and so forth. So I think that
even if you did initially have a conspiracy going on, or
have such things as the Masons, if they are secret
and if they are conspiracies (I don't know a thing
about them), then it seems to me they're bound to change
in the course of time. Some forty or fifty years
later they're almost certainly not going to be doing
the same thing, in the same pattern, as earlier.
I
think, for anybody talking about a conspiracy theory of
history, the burden of proof rests on them to produce
decisive evidence and not simply odd parallels.
Gary
Allen has applied my research to a totally wrong group.
I wasn't talking about everybody on Wall Street. As a
matter of fact, when he says “Wall Street” he's
talking about a very complex structure made up, I
suppose, of hundreds of partnerships, companies and
corporations. And they're not only trying to screw us
(which I think they are) and trying to screw the world
(which I'm sure they are), but they also trying to
screw each other. So, when he says “Wall Street,” like
he has found somebody he'd call “a famous Wall Street
man” whom I never heard of, or when he cites some
insignificant company's doings, and says “this is part
of the conspiracy,” I can only...
I'll put it much
more specific than that. Averell Harriman, no, James
Forrestal was Brown Brothers. I think. But I don't
see Brown Brothers as being part of any conspiracy in
which, let us say, J. P. Morgan would be involved,
because I've never heard of anything in which
those two were jointly working. So, if some-body
says here's Jim Forrestal establishing a unified Defense
Department by putting the Navy and the Army
together and so forth, and was doing that as a part
of a Wall Street conspiracy, to me there's at least two
links missing: First, was Forrestal doing that
because he was a partner in Brown Brothers? Secondly,
was this in anyway connected with what J. P. Morgan,
or anyone else on Wall Street, wanted?
Of course,
this is all irrelevant, because J. P. Morgan was
finished by the time James Forrestal did all that,
but - no matter - the DuPonts took over some of the
Morgan interests and the Rockefellers took over most of them. But the objection remains. You have links that
are constantly missing and assumptions that just
aren't true: that there was a solid group cooperating
together.
I didn't enjoy this attention at all. And
I'll be very frank and mercenary about it. As long as
I had no book in print to sell, what good did this do
me? It blackened my reputation among scholarly
historians who are going to say, oh, he's one of
those right-wing nuts. And they're likely to say that,
because I'm at a Catholic university, where there
must be lots of right-wing nuts. People assumed that of
Bill Buckley or this brother-in-law of his (who's much
more able, I think). They must be right-wing
nuts. (They both wrote jointly a book defending Joe
McCarthy). A lot of people dismissed them as as
just right-wingers because they are Catholic, or
that they defended Joe McCarthy because they are all
three Catholic. Do you see? And so forth.
It
doesn't do me any good, being at a Catholic university,
where I'm trying to be an objective historian by
saying exactly what happened (if I can find that out)
and by giving what I find the proper amount of
weight.
Now, this is important. In my book, which is
1348 pages, you've got maybe 20 pages dealing with
this Round Table, Milner, Rhodes Trust thing. And that's
really about the Atlantic Establishment. Nothing at
all to do with what these people are talking about.
And they will come up with Shiff and other names, mostly
Jewish, who they'll say gave millions of dollars to
the Bolsheviks. Yet I don't see the connection here
(between Rhodes and Bolsheviks).
I get 'phone calls.
Even out at the farm I get calls, always long distance,
often from Texas, and they all can talk forever (I
suppose they've oil wells paying for it). I've had
people call me from California and Texas and Mexico
City. From Florida. One once went on and on and on. I
was trying to write my book dealing with weapons (my
wife always answers the 'phone at home, but at the farm
I got caught).
But this fellow called me, and he
talked for about twenty minutes, and I wanted to get
back to finish the sentence I was typing, and finally
said “I'm sorry, but I just can't go on talking like
this. I've got to get back to my work.” He says “I've
got one more question.” (This was two years ago
[1973]). “Why is Nelson Rockefeller a Communist?” And
I said “I don't know. I don't think he is, but if you
know he is and you want to know why he is, why don't
you call him up and ask him?”
This is the kind of
thing I get, and it's annoying in a way, though it
doesn't interfere with my personal life.
Now, when this book Tragedy and Hope does come back into
print...
I've got my lawyers to try to find out who
is behind the pirated edition. Now, I don't know
exactly what he did -- all I know is that the District
Attorney out in Southern California apparently
stopped publication of the pirated edition of the
book. Even my lawyer hasn't told me who this is, but I
do know that the GU bookstore here was selling the
book and had sent in a check for a re-order and it
came back with a note scrawled “I can supply no more
until Prof. Qiogley gives me permission. And that
shouldn't be hard for you to get, since he is at your
university.” This was five or six weeks ago. Maybe two
months.
It was Angriff Press, in Hollywood, CA, Box
2726.
That's all I know.
What I would
appreciate is if you would put at the center of what you
write about me the holistic approach to solving
problems. This is me. And, incidentally, in my book's
holistic picture of what happened from 1895 to 1965, comprising seventy years, it is just seventy pages on
the Atlantic Community. But you should look up
Streit. He's a big noise. He wrote Union Now, calling
for union now with Great Britain, and then during
the War he also wanted union with Norway, Sweden,
The Netherlands and some other places.