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1974 Interview with Rudy Maxa of the Washington Post

Interview Transcript - Part 4

 

 

QUIGLEY: “They were largely, partly financed, for instance, by the, uh, by Rhodes,
the Rhodes Trust, and the, how Milner got into this was that he was the
chief Rhodes trustee.”

INTERVIEWER: “Uh, huh”

QUIGLEY: “From 1905, when he came back from Africa, until his death in 1925.”

INTERVIEWER: “All right.”

QUIGLEY: So, this was a, itʼs an, itʼs an Atlantic Bloc. This, you know Streit, Clarence Streit
-- S-T-R-E-I- T -- “Union Now.” Union now with Great Britain. All right.
He represents what this group wanted. Clarence S-T-R-E-I- T. If heʼs still alive,
he probably lives in Washington. I had his daughter in my class. And, oh,
as a visitor, but not as a student of mine. And, he was built up by this people
as the only solution. This was in my book: His name and when it happened,
and...”

INTERVIEWER: “By the Round Table people?”

QUIGLEY: “By the Round Table people. And, it, with, his book book ʻUnion Now,ʼ
which came out in 1938, was called, anonymously, in The Round Table magazine
by Lionel Curtis ʻThe Only Way.ʼ It was headed.
It was then reviewed, anonymously, in The Christian Science Monitor
by Lord Lothian as ʻthe solution of our problems.ʼ And what it is, is essentially
a union of the Atlantic Bloc.
Printed pages.”

INTERVIEWER: “Not about world domination.”

QUIGLEY: “Not world domination. Of course, this was Rhodesʼ idea. He wanted the United
States in the English, uh, Commonwealth. All right. Secondly, these people are
not pro-Communist, as I know them, and certainly the Round Table Group, and
the Milner Group, and the people that Iʼm writing about, and, I notice I follow them
up only through 1940, which is the end of the Morgan bank, when they, uh, had
to incorporate, because of the inheritance tax, and so forth. They had to
incorporate. Uh, they were before that, uh, a partnership.”

INTERVIEWER: “When was the Council on Foreign Relations get formed?”

QUIGLEY: “It was originally established by a group here, about 1919. But they had, in in
the group that we went, is ʻThe Inquiry.ʼ ʼThe Inquiryʼ was the post-war planning
group set up by the Morgan interests in 1917 in the United States, of which the,
uh, technical head was, uh, the head of the American Geographical Society.
All of this...

INTERVIEWER: Grovernor?

QUIGLEY: “...is in my book. No, no. ”

INTERVIEWER: “Oh, yes.”

QUIGLEY: “National Geographic.”

INTERVIEWER: “Iʼve got this on my mind.”

QUIGLEY: “Uh, uh.. And, uh. Delahue, was it? No.”

INTERVIEWER: “Heads up.”

QUIGLEY: “Well, it doesnʼt... Itʼs in my book. You see the names are slipping me now.
Anyway, itʼs called ʻThe Inquiryʼ. Thereʼs a whole book on it. And itʼs called ʻThe
Inquiry.ʼ So you can find it by looking up that title. But you can find [it] also if
you can look in my book. The unfortunate part is that itʼs not in the paperback.
ʻCause, naturally, itʼs in the first part, when they were formed. You see? Which is,
uh, in the big, uh, version of it. Uh. ʻThe Inquiry,ʼ uh, got together in Paris, and
agreed to establish an organization, out of which came the Royal Institute of International
Affair[s] and that Royal Institute of International Affairs had branches
in all the Commonwealth countries: Australia, New Zealand, South Africa,
Canada, eventually in India, and they even, uh, uh, I think, had one somewhere
else, uh, Pakistan, when it divided, they established one. But in the United
States, of course, they didnʼt have to, ʻcause they had the Council on Foreign
Relations. But when they came over here, uh, after coming back from Paris, they
found that a movement had begun here already to form a Council on Foreign Relations,
and so they moved in and took it over. And they could do that because
they represented Morgan.”

INTERVIEWER: “Uh, huh.”

QUIGLEY: “And in that crowd was, uh, Willard Straight, who was a Morgan partner. And he
died at the Peace Conference of the influenza. And, of course, uh, the man who
was the active, uh, supposed to be, Lamont, Tom Lamont. He was infamous
among the extreme right for supposedly being a Communist sympathizer,
because his son Corliss was the chief financial sponsor of all kinds of Soviet
friendship things, and so forth, and summoned before a Congressional committee,
but flatly refused to answer any questions, and took his case to the Supreme
Court. And I may be wrong, but I think he won his case.
So the right said that these guys are Communist sympathizers, and are for world
domination, anti-capitalists. They want to destroy America. And a number of
other things. Carroll Quigley proved everythingʼ, they said. And they constantly misquote me
to this effect: that this group financed the Bolsheviks. I can see no evidence that
there was any financing of the Bolsheviks by the group Iʼm talking about. You
see, to give you one example of what it in this book. But theyʼll all say this.
People wrote to me. They said ʻDo you know about this?ʼ They were mostly
students. Once I got a letter from my brother in New Hampshire. He jokingly
wrote saying ʻI used to be known as Dr. Quigley, chairman of the school committee
in my town of Hudson, N.H., but now Iʼm known as Carroll Quigleyʼs brother.ʼ
I was mad as hell. These people are not only misrepresenting me, but I think
theyʼre making me out to be an idiot. Theyʼre saying I said all kinds of things
I didnʼt say. It varies. Originally, the John Birch periodical had me as a great guy
for revealing this. But then they became absolutely sour, and theyʼre now
denouncing me. That Iʼm a member of The Establishment, and I....”

INTERVIEWER: “Because youʼre repudiating it?

QUIGLEY: “I donʼt know.”

INTERVIEWER: “You donʼt know why.”

QUIGLEY: “I donʼt know. Really. Iʼm baffled. Iʼm baffled by the whole thing. I donʼt know
why Macmillan acted the way it did. I donʼt know why.... I can think these guys
are just trying to make a living. I think theyʼd write anything that they got paid for
writing. Which is my feeling about it. So, uh, now, I was, uh, angry about this.
Then somebody called, wrote to me from the University of Nevada, I believe it
was, in Reno. I think. And he was very angry over what was going on there,
over this.”

INTERVIEWER: “Now this was in, uh, ʼ71?”

QUIGLEY: “No, this would be ʼ73.”

INTERVIEWER: “ʼ73. That it came to your attention.”

QUIGLEY: “Oh, wait a [second]. No, this came in the election of ʼ72.”

INTERVIEWER: “ʼ72.”

QUIGLEY: “ʼThe spring of ʼ72.”

INTERVIEWER: “ʼO.K. Fine. So right after it came out.”

QUIGLEY: “Yeah, I think.”

INTERVIEWER: “O.K. Then in ʼ73 somebody called you?”

QUIGLEY: “Then in ʼ73 somebody called me... Now, I can give you the exact dates of this,
if I can get to the papers. But I donʼt have them. Anyway. And he wanted me to
do something to stop the influence that this book [ʻNone Dare Call It Conspiracyʼ]
was having in Nevada, particularly as promoting anti-semitism. Because thereʼs
a group of people who were using this book - and theyʼre total nuts. I get letters
from them all the time. I can show you some of them, if you want - complete nuts,
who claim that this is a Jewish conspiracy, that is part of the same thing as
ʻThe Protocols of the Elders of Zionʼ, which we now know was a Tsarist Russian
police forgery of 1905. And that this is the same thing as the Illuminati. And the
Illuminati were founded in 1776 by a Bavarian named, I think itʼs, White, Weiskopf.
Or something like that. And the Illuminati are a branch of the Masons and that
they took over the Masons, you see. And, uh, uh, the whole thing is a nightmare.”

INTERVIEWER: “Right.”

QUIGLEY: “That all secret societies are the same secret society. Now, this was established
by nuts. For hundreds of years, uh, there were people who said the Society of the
Cincinnati, in the American Revolution, of which George Washington was one of
the shining lights, was a branch of the Illuminati. And was a secret society.
And, therefore, thatʼs why the Masons built the monument in Alexandria to
Washington. Not because he was the first President of the United States,
[but] because he was the Mason and was the head the Illuminati in this country
and therefore was the, one of the founders of the Society of the Cincinnati.
Do you see what I mean?”

INTERVIEWER: “Uh, huh.

QUIGLEY: “And it becomes... You canʼt believe it.
Now, these, these same conspirators are the Jacobins who made the French
Revolution. A woman named Nesta -- N-E-S-T-A -- Webster wrote that book.
To refute it, my tutor, whoʼs a Rhodes Scholar, Crane Brinton -- B-R-I-N--T--O-N,
wrote his doctoral dissertation called ʻThe Jacobins,ʼ in which he refutes her. You
see? Now, I think that, at the end of his life, Brinton probably came to feel that he
was wrong. That there was some secret society involved in the Jacobins. And a
student of his named Elizabeth Eisenstein, who is a marvelous researcher (she is
now a professor at American University) under Brinton wrote a doctoral dissertation
on the founder of the Babeuf Conspiracy. The Babeuf Conspiracy was a
conspiracy of the extreme left which burst out in France in 1894 or so, led by a
man named Babeuf, who was executed for it. But the man behind it was a descendant
of Michelangelo, named Buonarrati. Because Buonaratiʼs, uh,
Michelangeloʼs family name was Buonarrati. Look, if you can,
at Eisenstein[ʼs] book, which is published by Harvard, her doctoral dissertation,
which shows that Buonarrati founded many secret societies, do you see?”

INTERVIEWER: “Uh, huh.”

QUIGLEY: “One of them was the Babeuf people, who are now being praised to the skies by
all the neo-Marxists, like Marcusse and others, you see, as the great heroes
because they tried to change the....”

 

End of  Transcript - Part 4

Continue to Transcript - Part 5


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